Chris Christie And Means Testing Social Security

In a recent article, I questioned the candor of Chris Christie in his proposed Social Security reform.  Now it is time to question the wisdom.

Governor Christie's proposal contained a controversial policy option of means-testing benefits.  Some believe that phasing-out benefits for higher-income Americans should be the first option to consider for addressing the financing gap in Social Security.  This alternative should be the last.  It introduces terrible incentives to the system, and begs questions about how we pay for benefits. 

Supporters of this policy option argue that this approach narrows the imbalances without disrupting the retirement plans of existing seniors.  This alternative appeals to politicians because it affects few current voters, and fosters a feeling of responsibility that we are doing something about a predictable crisis.

The foreshadows of that crisis are well documented.  According to the Social Security Administration, the system has less than a break-even chance of paying full benefits through 2033.  That means someone who reaches normal retirement age this year expects to outlive the system’s ability to pay scheduled benefits.

Would eliminating the benefits of the affluent make a difference?  Not really. In one example, the Social Security Administration projected that means-testing benefits would not even change the date of the projected exhaustion point of the trust fund.  Mind you, that projection assumes that no one tries to avoid the reduction in benefits.

The fact is that people will try to avoid losing benefits.  A means-test serves as an implicit tax on savings, which will discourage savings and deflate economic activity.  The consequence is to discourage people from saving outside of the system.  These rules would unintentionally change the system that was created to provide a buffer against poverty-ridden old-age, into one that fosters it.

Means-testing Social Security largely postpones the crisis only to have it grow in consequence. By removing savers from the system, the mix of beneficiaries will increase overtime in both number and dependency upon the system. We are essentially shifting deck chairs on the Titanic to make room on the boat for more passengers who don't swim very well.

Means-testing creates a more serious problem for how we pay for Social Security benefits.
Today the system is self-financed.  That means it borrows money from workers in exchange for the promise of future benefits.  This proposal takes money in exchange for nothing. 

One is a contribution and the other is a purely a tax. The distinction is critical to Social Security because a tax brings along the question of priority.  Taxes are allocated yearly based on political priority.  A contribution is dedicated financing over time.  Social Security has grown into the largest expense in the budget in large part because of the perception that benefits are paid for by contribution.

Social Security's position within the budget becomes more precarious as we shift the way we pay for the system from contribution to tax. Voters will ask whether it is a wise use of public money to provide a subsidy to the people who had the best jobs over the longest careers. They will ask whether it is fair to pay husbands twice as much as wives.  Benefits make a lot of sense when we pay for them with contributions. 

FDR did not want politicians deciding who needs and who doesn't need benefits.  He wanted workers to have 'a legal, moral, and political right' to benefits.  FDR did not want the needs of the elderly to be just another political priority. 

Social Security was intended to be old-age insurance, a hedge against the cost of the unknown.  It was based on four characteristics only one of which remains, that benefits should not be means-tested or based on need.  If we preserve none of the qualities of Social Security, why are we keeping the name?

It is possible to say that the world has changed since 1935.  It is possible to say that the system has become more progressive since that time.  It is possible to say that means testing Social Security benefits simply extends those changes that we have made over time.

What it is not possible to say is that means-testing Social Security makes it work.  It fixes the system by giving it a new purpose much like fixing a hole in the wall by calling it a window.